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• Direct Action; Reasons to be organised!
• Organising: Trade Unions - Union bosses in today's 'stakeholder' society
• Organising: home working - Wageslaves@home
• On the edge - Fundamental Flames; Winning online
• Action+comment - God: Here we go again; Stealing from pensioners; Tsunami reaction
• On the edge - Terrorist threats; FFF - Free sex now; Globalised exposure; Forced labour; Children of the revolution
• Action+comment - No Justice for Gordon Gentle
• International news - Textile Troubles; Greece; Bulgaria; ...and Worldwide; Haiti; Croatia; IWA-AIT International Congress; Slovakia; Russia - pensioners fight back; Argentina; Poland; Indonesia; Venezuela: Chavez isn't the answer to your question
• Globalfocus: Spain - Struggles in the Spanish Shipyards
• Organising: early unions in Britain - Luddites & Lackeys
• Ideas for change: Organising in the voluntary/community sector - Starting out: Organising at work
• Justicepage - Shed No Tears For Blunkett
• Notes+letters - IAS; EL
• Reviewfeatures - Spanner or sticking plaster?; Christie Pickings
• Reviews - A Summer in the Park, Tony Allen, Freedom Press; Vera Drake, Mike Leigh; The Favourite Child, Freda Lightfoot, Coronet Books; Lifelines, David Gribble, LIB ED; Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice, Rudolf Rocker; Sean M. Sheehan, Anarchism, Reaktion Books
• Closerlook: rural rights and wrongs - Get off our land!
• SF networks and locals; DA - delivered; About Solidarity Federation... ; Events/Campaigns/Gatherings... Friends and neighbours

Direct Action

Direct Action is published by Solidarity Federation, the British section of the International Workers' Association, and is edited, typeset and printed labour-free by the Direct Action Collective. DA is produced under direct workers' control, without help from the state or rich benefactors.

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Direct Action ISSN 0261 8753

this issue's theme - organising

Reasons to be organised!

"Everything I stand for is about personal responsibility, it's about respect, it is about building a cohesive society where you take the consequences of our actions." OK, I'll give you 3 guesses who said that when he was Home Secretary ... before resigning in disgrace ... name sounds like blanket...

The lies and deceit of party politicians the world over is not exactly news – everyone knows what they get up to, just like everyone knows that if you put people in positions of complete power they get nastier in every way than they were before. Power corrupts, and we don't have to look further back than the last two US Presidential elections to see that (in the most recent elections, Jesse Jackson noted that "...in Franklin County, the electric voting system gave Bush 3,893 extra votes out of a total of 638 votes cast").

Then there are the catastrophic effects of having a world where one man (sic) wields enough power to swamp the hopes and dreams (not to mention basic human rights) of millions. Dubya is constantly up-beat about the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, while such lies are exposed by the mushrooming war budget and the ubiquitous "war on terror" rhetoric, which allows them to have a war without end to allegedly "protect us."

Then again, there are the more insidious effects of institutionalised power and exploitation. In Australia, indigenous people now have a life expectancy over 20 years lower than average, and indigenous infants are dying at the same rate as babies in some of the most impoverished developing countries. Meanwhile, here, people are forced to work from home to scrape half the minimum wage on piecework (Wageslaves@home, p.6).

This brings us to this issue of DA, where the theme is less about the state of political corruption and more about how people have organised against it – and what more we can do now. In particular, the emphasis here is on jobs and work, and we kick off with a light take on a dark topic (Union bosses ... in today's `stakeholder' society, p.4).

By taking matters into our own hands, we can bypass the shocking state of the unions and their bureaucracies. If proof were needed that such tactics can work, we have an interview with a group of Solidarity Federation activists who are currently organising in a notoriously difficult sector – voluntary and community work (Starting out - Organising at work, p.22).

Of course, the idea of self-organisation is not exactly rocket science; neither is it particularly new. During the early part of the 19th Century, working class people started organizing and trying out methods of resistance. Although a coherent set of ideas and tactics was not yet developed, some important lessons were already being learned which would later contribute to the advent of early anarcho-syndicalism (Luddites & Lackeys, p.18).

Another historical perspective is also found within these pages; the brutal class oppression which has characterised the decline of rural working life over the past few hundred years, and continues apace today. The facts show that hunting is the cause of the current rural crisis, not the saviour the bloodsports lobby would have us think (Get off our land, p30).

To bring things back up to date and on-topic, pour yourself a glass of sangria, Rioja, San Miguel, or whatever, and relax (!) to an account of the shipyard protests in Spain over the last year? (Struggles in the Spanish Shipyards, p.16). Such success stories are essential if we are to demonstrate to our workmates that self-organised resistance is essential - and that it actually works. As more people realise it is the only real way out of our current predicament, organising just gets more and more worthwhile.

organising: Trade Unions

Union bosses in today's 'stakeholder' society

You don't see many pictures of 'trade union leaders' in the paper or on telly like you used to. At least I don't, but then I only watch sport on telly and there doesn't seem to be much on sky sports news about them. Mind you, one of the reasons I stick to sport is because I got sick of the union bosses years ago, when they sold their souls to Maggie and took the 'business is good for you' ethic to their hearts. Remember those shiny suits they started wearing for the 'beauty parades', when they tried to sell themselves to 'modern high tech' Japanese or Korean type businesses getting grants to build dirty big factories?

It was incredible, it seemed like the blokes with the shiniest suits got the jobs of the union `leaders', and it qualified them to tell these capitalists that they were the best ones to `organise' the new labour force. What they meant by 'organising' was pretending that the new workers' interests were the same as the owners; they were all 'snakeholders'. So, the message was: "pay us your union dues and we'll send you stuff about pensions, mortgages and all that, but don't go on and on about wage rises, they are for the gaffers and the 'leaders'. Oh, and if you have to work on Christmas day don't worry, it's 'cos we live in a post-modem world and have to compete in the global market".

They did it in big businesses everywhere, and ignored the workers, and didn't bother much with little business. Shiny suits, flash cars and briefcases meant you were part of the modern world so beloved by our glorious leader `Big Toe' and his sidekick the sweet `Cherry'. These people are so bright and progressive, they don't have to take any notice of 'simple folk', they just have to build the world in their image and we'll all be deliriously happy. So, if they can get high on non-smoke and binge free drinks, we all can.

I blame the militant tendency for this infatuation with snappy dressing among union leaders. During the early eighties they were all your usual scruffy bastards associated with the `left' then, one week, all the ones I knew got sharp haircuts. A few weeks later these sharp haircuts were joined by sharp clobber - I assumed the militants had opened a boutique. Then it spread; union 'leaders' of all types, militants, 'broad left', feminists, labour councillors and the usual crew, all started wearing sharp suits and joining the 'young conservatives', and/or 'new labour'. I have no idea what unions actually do anymore; maybe they've just left the planet to become estate agents on mars in readiness for the global meltdown here.

Of course, back in the days when 'Big Toe' was a 'Little Toe' and 'Cherry' was a pip, people (especially the Daily Mail fraternity) said those nasty trade unions had far too much power. Pictures of 'Red Robbo', 'Red Albert', 'Red Fred' and militants of all colours were plastered all over the telly and 'papers. They had strikes at the drop of a hat. Shorter hours, better money and better conditions are the obvious things, but these militants also had the cheek to put in for better bogs and butties. They got the hump when managers told them to do stupid things, and a lot of people became dead bolshie, and if they weren't on strike it was various go-slows and work-to-rules.

Strangely enough, the Daily (hate) Mail was completely wrong, although it has to be said that it seems workers were more likely to stand up for themselves and fight back in those days. We didn't need the 'leaders' in the (un-shiny) suits; anyway, they were more likely to be `convenors', or just 'shop-stewards'. A lot of pressure came from groups of 'ordinary' workers, with things like `wild-cat' strikes, and it was even a bit trendy to be a leftie.

`The British Disease' it was called by those that said unions had too much power. Those commie, Stalinist, bully boys had got every decent, law abiding, man and woman in a vicelike grip. Massive wage rises led to high prices and government subsidies to firms, where militants either went to sleep or went on strike. It all ended with the country nearly going bankrupt. It was stopping 'entrepreneurship' and making less dosh for the rich, which, as we all know, also stopped it trickling down to the bottom of the pile. The decline of manufacturing was blamed on them, so was Britain falling down the league table of wealthy places. All this global market lark meant 'we' had to 'compete' with 'bowl of rice' economies. As a result, "get rid of the unions" was the battle cry, or at least pull their teeth.

Maggie did the dental work by getting an union laws passed and paying coppers huge overtime wads to beat up miners. She also helped her business mates make it harder to get a job and easier to lose it, with bugger all health and safety. Longer hours, shit shifts, no double bubble or anything much for those lower down the social strata. She was also 'our glorious leader', especially when her policies meant manufacturing gave up the ghost and moved overseas, while the pits, along with loads of other places, shut down and just stayed derelict.

That's when the toothless union 'leaders' started wearing shiny suits, going on parade and acting like Maggie. I remember a mass meeting where I went along to reject a crap wage rise and the sharp suited 'leaders' of the local AUEW asked us to accept it, otherwise the shares would go down. I've never listened to one of those men in suits since, and that was 23 years ago.

Today's suit brigade have been complicit with big business in undermining any resistance from the 'old' days, and otherwise they do very little except take the money and talk to gaffers and government. They're now sponsored by insurance firms and loan sharks. Mind you, UNISON have a woman walking around with loads of people in line behind her (it's on the telly so it must be true). She goes into a gaffers office, coughs and they all cough with her in unison, and it's so loud the gaffer shits himself. People I know who are UNISON members say that's all they do, cough.

Where next then? No-one takes much notice of the (wo)men in suits as a general rule, so now all we need to do is get the 'organising ourselves' bit right.

organising: home working

Wageslaves@home

Home workers represent one of the most exploited groups of workers in Britain. They form part of the huge deregulated and unorganised sector of the UK economy, in which workers are paid poverty pay for working in appalling conditions. Around 94% of home workers are women between the ages of 20 and 45, a significant minority are from ethnic minorities, while some 13% have disabilities or long term health problems. The range of work undertaken by home workers is vast, ranging from packing and assembling, through to skilled work such as hand knitting, sewing, precision engineering, and IT work.

Contrary to popular portrayal, home working does not exist on the very fringes of the British economy; it forms a significant sector, producing goods sold by some of the biggest names in British industry, including the big four supermarkets. Nor should home working be seen as a temporary form of employment used to generate a little extra cash. Like any other job, it is the means by which many people generate the income they need in order to survive.

In fact, apart from shocking pay and conditions, the only difference between home working and other forms of employment is the place of work. Often, working from home is the only real choice for home workers, whether for reasons of poor health, family commitments, or remoteness, access and transport difficulties. Hence, it is the very fact that this group of workers need to work from home that employers are exploiting.

Home workers are not classed as employees and, as such, are not covered by many statutory rights. Also, their isolation from other workers makes it hard for them to organise together. This puts them at a big disadvantage when compared to other workers. Unlike those who go out to work, home workers invariably do not get an hourly rate, and instead are paid piecework rates, such as £6 for every 1,000 Christmas cards packed.

Paying home workers piecework rates has a number of advantages for employers. It helps disguise just how little they get paid and helps get around minimum wage legislation. It also becomes a means of disciplining and punishing workers; anyone who complains about

conditions or pay or fail to meet the boss's time/ volume requirements are simply not sent any more work. Hence, home workers who have worked for the same company for years can effectively be sacked without notice and without any entitlement to redundancy.

Piecework also gives employers the flexibility to increase or decrease production on a weekly or even daily basis. This can prove disastrous for the workers, who one week find themselves overwhehned with work, having to work long hours into the night in fear of letting the boss down, then with little or no work the next week, and so no money to pay the bills.

Home working ensures that employers can maximise profits. Typical rates of pay are the equivalent of between £1 and £1.50 per hour. On top of this, employers have few overheads as they do not have to pay for premises, heating and lighting, etc. Nor do they have to comply with costly Heath and Safety requirements. The cost, of course, is borne by the home workers, who have no proper training or protection and so suffer back, neck, hand and respiratory problems. Given the repetitive nature of most home working, there are growing concerns that many may suffer in time from the crippling repetitive strain injuries.

Home workers are an example of the exploitative nature of capitalism running riot in its 'natural' state, and, surprise surprise, the Labour Government is unwilling to intervene to protect these vulnerable and exploited workers. Simply changing the word `worker' to 'employee' in labour legislation would be enough to ensure that home workers would receive the same rights as those who go out to work. A simple clarification of the national minimum wage enforcement legislation would allow home workers to claim minimum wages without fear of immediate dismissal. It would also do much to end the piecework endemic in home working. Then there's the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention — this lays down basic rights and, if Labour could be bothered to actually ratify it, then it would deliver immediate employment protection to home workers.

The fact that the Government is denying so many hard-pressed people these basic rights indicates their true colours — they are obsessed with deregulation of the labour market and they care nothing about workers in poverty. Labour is driven by free market orthodoxy, which argues that legislation aimed at protecting workers prevents the markets working 'properly (sic). The reality is that the market is by its very nature exploitative, and the freer the market, the greater the resulting exploitation. The basic truth is that the recent decades of deregulation have brought gross inequality and the impoverishment of large sectors of society.

The relentless and blind rush to ever-greater labour market deregulation, with growing use of temporary workers, home workers, short term contracts, longer hours, the erosion of overtime payments and increased shift and weekend working, is what the Government proudly calls the new 'flexible' labour market. The fact that it has met little resistance from the existing trade unions is testament to their failure. Other than making a few sympathetic noises, the unions have done nothing to organise or defend home workers. As the large unions retreat into their public sector bunkers, run by officials rather than the members themselves, they have become increasingly detached from the everyday experiences of the people who are enduring the worst effects of growing inequality in Labour Britain.

In the long run, growing deregulation will only be defeated through self-organisation. Existing unions staffed by overpaid officials located in fancy office blocks completely divorced from the everyday realities of working class people can never be expected to do anything meaningful. Instead, we must organise ourselves to fight deregulation in our workplaces and in those of our workmates and like-minded workers. To help do this we must create groups and organisations which are properly a part of the communities we seek to defend.

A completely different type of union is needed, whose offices are located in working class communities, run democratically by the people living in that community, for the benefit of that community. Such an organisation will inevitably be part of the local working class, not only in terms of defending economic and working conditions, but also culturally, politically and socially. That is what is meant by an anarcho-sydicalist union — and while they are not yet big in Britain, they already exist in many parts of the world. Here, the Solidarity Federation is seeking to help people form such organisations in their own communities — make contact if you are interested!

The International Workers Association will be organising an international day of action across the world to fight deregulation and casualisation of labour markets. For info see/contact; www.iwa-ait.org

The Solidarity Federation is organising an ongoing anti-casualisation campaign in the North West. For info contact; Manchester SF, PO Box 29 SWPDO, manchester@manchestersf.org.uk

Bristol Anti Casualisation Campaign etc. The National Group On Homeworking is an independent organisation that campaigns for rights for Homeworkers. They can be contacted on 0113 20005623 or email; admin@ngh.org.uk

On the edge

Fundamental Flames

Christian protesters set fire to their television licences outside the BBC's London offices. They were outraged over the broadcast of the profanity-laden musical "Jerry Springer - The Opera" that includes a diaper fetishist confessing all to his true love, a tap dance routine by the Ku Klux Klan, and Jesus and the Devil locked in a swearing match.

Michael Reid, a pastor and self-styled bishop, who organised the peaceful demonstration ahead of the airing on Saturday evening, called the musical simply "filth".

"The use of foul language together with mocking Jesus Christ and portraying him wearing a nappy with sequins is highly offensive to Christians and we felt that it was totally wrong." He claimed the BBC would not risk upsetting minority faiths like Islam or Buddhism but, "because we are Christians they think we are fair game for any insults."

Many people who would have had no interest in seeing this musical probably switched on because of all the publicity. Of course, the burning of the TV licences is just a symbolic act, as to get one in the first place means you have already paid the fee. The trouble is, if they were to stop paying, they would surely be going against the teachings of Jesus himself, who apparently said "render unto Caesar that which is Caesar's, render unto god that which is gods". But then again, rational thought and logic doesn't seem to be a trait in fundamentalist religious thought.

On the edge

Winning online

In the wake of some recent online campaign victories involving strikes in New Zealand and Cambodia, Labourstart have gathered together some thoughts on the subject and published them as a short article. Comments are invited.

You can read it at: http://labourstart.org/

action+comment

God: Here we go again

For most of us it seemed that, as the twentieth century drew to a close, Britain had, thankfully, continued to move towards being a more secular society. More and more ordinary people were professing doubts and scepticism around religious beliefs and rites. Those who did profess a belief in a god were more inclined to adopt a more relaxed attitude to some of the finer theological points.

Church attendances fell, with most people only going to church for births, weddings and funerals, mainly through force of habit. Even that was changing, as more alternatives became available. Now, with Bush's re-election and New Labour's religious leadership, religious beliefs and issues are once again centre stage in news and politics.

There is the ongoing argument regarding the expansion of faith schools and the continuing hiving off of social services to faith groups. Then came the news that the government was to introduce the Serious Organised Crime and Police Bill, which contains clauses outlawing the incitement of religious hatred. This means that religious groups can force the prosecution of those they believe are attacking their religion. Given the sensitivity of some of the faithful, this could lead to banning of plays, music or even stifling of open debate.

A taste of what may be to come has already been seen in Birmingham, where a play which led to violent protests among the local Sikh community had its run cancelled by the city's Repertory Theatre. The theatre said it had refused to censor the work and was abandoning it purely on health and safety grounds.

The play, Behzti (Dishonour), centres around two characters and depicts a Sikh priest raping somebody inside a gurdwara (a Sikh temple). The protesters claimed the play mocked their faith. The play's author, also a Sikh, revealed that threats had been made against her. The protesters were allowed to leaflet the theatre and their fliers were given out to the audience. Changes were made, but the author refused to change the location of the rape, which was central to the play Ironically the Rep's other production, The Witches, which Pagans could equally have argued was just as offensive, was staged as usual.

Of course, we already know about Tony Blair's religious convictions, so it came as no surprise to learn of the promotion to education secretary of the staunch Roman Catholic, Ruth Kelly What is more disturbing are the reports that Kelly, who opposes abortion and euthanasia, is a member of the secretive ultra-conservative Catholic group, Opus Dei.

Once again, we seem to be mirroring developments in the US, where religious fundamentalists are gaining positions of power and religious groups are able to dictate what the rest of us can watch, listen to and do. The "multi-faith" society envisaged by the government seems to leave out those of us who are either atheist, agnostic or just not that bothered. Meanwhile, some sections of the left kowtow to religious prejudices to gain a political foothold in minority communities at the expense of elementary rights that have been fought for over the years.

In the United States, the Christian vote is a powerful electoral force - and may even have been a decisive factor in George W Bush's re-election as president. But in the UK it remains a largely untapped resource. Politics and religion have been, for the most part, kept in separate containers, but now fringe groups like the Christian People's Alliance are attempting to increase their influence. Along with Islamaphobia', there is even talk now of `Christophobia' which seems to some sought of vague assertion of bias against 'Christian' values, usually wrapped around the catch-all 'family values'.

Anarchists have always had a critique of religion and although in many ways things have changed and the power of the established churches has waned, we must be aware of the dangers of religious bigotry and the potential for it to become prevailing force in society. That is not to say that a belief in a god/goddess is automatically seen as a bad thing. It becomes problematic when it is linked to a whole belief system that, at best, preaches acceptance of authority and at worst moralizes and tries to force its beliefs on the rest of society.

action+comment

Stealing from pensioners

It has been estimated that the Treasury would benefit by a £10 billion pound windfall if the Government forced people to work up to the age of 70. However, according to a recent TUC report, one in four people, and one in three men will die in Yorkshire and Humberside before they reach 65. These figures rise to almost half of men and more than a third of the population as a whole when you get to 70. TUC general secretary, Brendan Barber says "it is simply not an option for many manual workers to carry on working until they are 70".

The government must introduce some changes to the retirement age by October 2006 to comply with European. Employment Directive, since the current system which differentiates between men and women has to be addressed. While there is opposition from the Trade Unions to the idea of raising the retirement age to 70, no doubt the prospect of a £10 billion windfall for the Chancellor will be received with glee.

Adoption of this crazy idea will affect 2.6 million workers immediately, between the ages of 65-69, who will pay an average of $4,000 income tax for each of these years instead of drawing their pension. Mr T.McPhail, head of pensions research at Hargreaves Landsdown (an independent advisory firm) says "The reality underlying all this is that we cannot afford to have the type of retirement that many of today's retirees enjoy, because we haven't saved enough".

Ministers are divided as to how to proceed on this matter. Patricia Hewitt, the Trade and Industry secretary, is in favour of getting rid of retirement ages altogether! I suppose we cannot expect people who are currently over retirement age to campaign against raising the age to 70, unless the Government were to try and force people back to work who have retired already... But everyone in their forties and fifties will be up in arms over the theft of what is owed to them, in both time and money.

Reality is, Labour can find money for some things, but not for others. If it is war and destruction then a few billion can be found without question.

The only option is resistance. The Government has written to the TUC asking them not to bring up the question of pensions and the raising of the retirement age to seventy until after the election. Of course, come the summer, with the election over, we will then be told the news, in typical Labour back-door sneaky style.

The time to organise and fight back is now, since if their hand is forced before the election they may actually make a more reasonable decision about their planned theft of our pensions. So, spread the word, tell your local MP what you think and get together and show them we know what they're up to.

action+comment

Tsunami reaction

We live in a period of intensified state-sponsored religiosity.

In response to the vexed theological question of why god alllows bad things to happen to innocent people, it seems that many religious leaders have been somewhat embarrassed by the dreadful devastation caused by the tsunami. However, this was not the reaction of Israel's Sephardi Chief Rabbi Schlomo Amar - he unashamedly commented that the tsunami;"is an expression of God's great ire in the world. The world is being punished for wrongdoing - be it people's needless hatred of each other, lack of charity, or moral turpitude".

So it is not a question of wrong place, wrong time, or tectonic plate movement, but biblical punishment. Presumably this is why it didn't hit Israel, and all those who have been victims are praying the wrong way or insufficiently.

However, prayers have never stopped a tsunami or a monsoon, and only human cooperation can minimise the risks and clean up the effects of such disasters. The reality is that, far from being acts of god or freaks of nature, such 'natural' disasters are actually human in origin. Indeed, they are a product of capitalism, for if the poor weren't forced to live in areas exposed to tsunamis, volcanic eruptions and the like, and if we had a social system where common sense prevailed so we invested in early warning devices instead of miltary hardware to fight oil wars, then things would be very different. The figures contrasting spending on Iraq wars with aid for tsunami relief are both shocking and telling, and they leave us with one unavoidable rhetorical question; should our action be driven by the profit motive or for the satisfaction of human needs?

On the edge

Terrorist threats

Anyone can be a terrorist or murderer these days. Even a ten year old school girl. At an elementary school in Philadelphia, a girl was cuffed then taken to a police station. The reason? A pair of scissors were discovered in her school bag, breaking the school's strict no weapons policy. The cops decided as she hadn't threatened anyone with them she had not committed a crime and let her go, but she's still waiting to hear whether she'll be expelled to a special disciplinary school. The girl apparently "cried and cried" with "no idea what she did wrong"...

On the edge

FFF - Free sex now

SchNEWS has a tip for those of you looking for online porn but worried about your right on reputation... Fuck for Forest is a Norwegian organization dedicated to having sex in public to save the environment. They raise awareness of environmental issues and raise money by selling eco-porn online...

The organisation is run by a couple in Norway who were in court recently after they stripped off their clothes and had sex on stage during a rock concert by Kristopher Schau and his band The Cumshots! Tommy Hol Ellingsen, and his girlfriend Leona Johansson, said they did it to help save the environment. Tommy 'accidentally' lost his trousers during court proceedings in what he described as, "a short moment of love between him and the Norwegian media". Police fined the couple but they are refusing to pay. Meanwhile, Fuck for Forest are looking for volunteers... Their website says: "Angry? Horny? You can be a model for fuck for forest. Amateurs and professionals alike -anybody is welcome to contact us. We are mainly looking for girls and couples. Get fucked for forest! Don't be depressive. Take control."

On the edge

Globalised exposure

'Eyes on International Financial Institutions' is a new film resource, part of the 'Fawlty Powers' campaign to mark 60 years of the World Bank and IMF. This unique collection of films provides the elusive 'other side of the story' about how these institutions work www.ifiwatchnet.org

On the edge

Forced labour

Since December, Government has given itself powers to force local authorities in Manchester/ Leeds/Bradford/North London, to snatch ('take into care') children of failed asylum seekers who do not agree to leave the UK voluntarily. Meanwhile, in the same areas, over 600 rejected asylum seekers who cannot go home immediately will have to do compulsory unpaid community work in return for accommodation and benefits. The policy is being targeted at 150 families who face deportation in Manchester, the Leeds/Bradford area and north London, and local authorities and NGOs in these areas have been invited to 'express interest' in running schemes providing the compulsory work. The agencies will be paid for their work, while the asylum seekers will get nothing for the work they will be forced to do. 'No-One is Illegal', an organization which 'challenges the ideology of immigration controls', has started a 'Campaign Against Immigration Slavery' for non-cooperation/ repeal of Section 10 of the Asylum and Immigration Act 2004, which is the relevant legislation.

On the edge

Children of the revolution

The Working Class Movement Library in Manchester is a valuable resource of labour history, and the local council have decided to slash its funding over the next 5 years. It has now produced a CD entitled 'Children of the Industrial Revolution', depicting their lives (see p.35).

action+comment

No Justice for Gordon Gentle

On June 28th last year, Royal Highland Fusilier Gordon Gentle, aged 19, became one more casualty of the senseless war in Iraq, a casualty which, for me, was also a personal shock – I was Gordon's English teacher for four years. I am saddened, but mostly I am angry. Gordon attended Crookston Castle Secondary School in Pollok, one of the most deprived areas of Glasgow. I remember him as a wee moon-faced, dark-haired boy with grubby hands. As his name happily announced, there was no harm in him.

Seven years have passed since Gordon first sat in my classroom and in that time, plenty has changed in Pollok – the school has closed, is currently being demolished, and the land will be handed over to private developers. One thing, however, remains – the army recruitment desk in the Job Centre.

What was the point of my correcting Gordon's jotters, encouraging him, filing his report cards, meeting his mother at parents' evenings, and preparing him for exams, if ultimately it was all to end at nineteen, just three months after 'completing' his 'training'? What was the nature of such 'training'? Exactly what did the army do to prepare a boy who had left school at sixteen with next to nothing, for his part in the 'War Against Terror'? A boy who had never even punched anyone on the nose in the playground.

You couldn't write it more largely and plainly if you tried – the purpose of Gordon's education was to make him into cannon fodder. This is exactly how much the State cares for boys from certain areas in Glasgow.

If I am angry, imagine his mother's feelings. In fact, Rose Gentle is not only making her feelings clear, but she has sent a much publicised 15 minute 'video letter' to Cherie Blair.

The film 'premiered' in December to about two hundred people at Glasgow's Film Theatre.

The whole event was slightly surreal, more like an award ceremony. There was a large contingent from Pollok in the back rows, many of them Gordon's friends and my ex-pupils, who greeted me with good natured, yet ironic cheers – 'even "Gento's" teacher has turned up'. There were also some of the usual trendy 'Art House' crowd; Glasgow's left-wing glitterati, the likes of Rosie Kane (Scottish Socialist Party); and a video message of support from the actor, Peter Mullan. Rose Gentle looked out of place in a panel with the writer A L Kennedy and a smart Eva Jasiewicz from 'Camcorder Guerillas', a group of documentary-makers specialising in issues not covered by the mainstream media, who made the film (complete with a soundtrack by 'Belle & Sebastian', the darlings of Glasgow Indy pop). The people from Pollok looked bewildered, yet excited. They must have wondered what on earth had brought all these smart, beautiful people to their cause, many of whom couldn't have placed Pollok on the map six months ago.

The previous week, 'The Herald' ran a double page spread in its weekend magazine, which neatly side-stepped any political points made by the 'Justice for Gordon Gentle' campaign (who wish to prosecute the Government for neglect in its 'duty of care'). Instead it focused on the mother's loss of her `beautiful soldier boy'. This was illustrated with plenty of 'gritty' photography of Gordon's mates hanging out in the scheme, smoking and drinking from strategically placed, prop-like lager cans. There are rumours that even Michael Moore wants to make a film. Clearly, social deprivation still sells.

international news

Textile Troubles

2005 is not shaping up very well for some of the most abused and poverty-stricken workers on the planet. With the garment industry quotas ending this January, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions puts the consequences boldly in a recent report; "Disaster Looms with the End of the Quota System". It predicts massive social deprivation of global proportions following from the end of the Multi Fibre Agreement. The expected consequences include "the loss of millions of jobs in countries which are already some of the poorest in the world". Read it at: www.icftu.org/

international news

Greece...

In October and throughout November, dismissed workers occupied the Trikolan textile factory in Naousa, northern Greece. The action followed the announcement by the owners, Klonatex, of their intention to exploit cheaper, more unregulated labour markets across the border in Bulgaria and elsewhere in the Balkans. The main aim of the occupation was to prevent the transfer of machinery.

Throughout northern Greece, most textile workers have now seen their jobs disappear since the country joined the EU. The workers in Naousa have also been fiercely critical of a political system that has consistently supported, and even financed, the closure and transferral of many factories.

There has been widespread solidarity with the Trikolan occupation, not only in Naousa, but also in nearby Thessaloniki. Also, in late November, anarchists in Athens demonstrated outside the headquarters of Klonatex.

international news

Bulgaria...

Many textile companies, formerly operating in Greece, are now exploiting the female labour of Petrie in southern Bulgaria. Here, working conditions include:

• 4.50 for an 8 hour shift (compared to 10 times that in Greece);
• no sick pay or holiday pay;
• workers are locked in if targets are not achieved;
• wages are lowered when the unemployment rate rises;
• the few regulations on working conditions are not enforced.

international news

...and Worldwide

The information on the textile industry in Bulgaria comes from a report prepared by Working Women Worldwide (WWW) project 'The Rights of Workers in Garment Industry Subcontracting Chains'. The report brings together research by women workers' organisations in Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Pakistan, India, Thailand, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Hong Kong and Britain. It provides a wealth of information on how the garment industry actually operates and on the issues facing workers at different levels of the subcontracting hierarchy.

international news

Haiti

Workers at the Codevi Free Trade Zone in Ouanaminthe, Haiti, have had continuous problems with the owner of the factories there: Grupo M. Though the case has received international attention, Fernando Capellan, President of Grupo M, along with the bankers (part of the World Bank), and Levi's, haven't acted to stop the labour violations. www.clrlabor.org/

international news

Croatia

Illegal quarrying in Croatia is threatening one of Europe's most sensitive forests. But activists opposing the destruction are facing a tight web of corruption and violence, weaved by the powerful industry mogul Vlado Zec. Read more... www.corporatewatch.org/?lid=2399
For the full report see www.poptel.org.uk/women-ww/

This international news could not have been brought to you without the following excellent WebSources:

• A-Infos News Service. www.ainfos.ca
• IWA (International Workers' Association); www.iwa-ait.org
• SchNEWS; www.schnews.org.uk
• Labourstart; www.labourstart.org/
• ASeed - Roots; www.aseed.net/
• Earth First - Action Update. http://host.envirolink.org/ef/
• Corporate Watch; www.corpwatch.org www.corporatewatch.org
• No Sweat www.nosweat.org.uk
• www.red-star-research.org.uk

international news

IWA-AIT International Congress

The International Workers Association (IWA), the global anarcho-syndicalist organisation, met in Granada, Spain in December. The Solidarity Federation (SolFed) were there representing Britain. Richard, International Secretary for SolFed, said: "It was well organised and generally a good congress. Some important issues were faced. There was a real awareness of what the other sections are doing."

A junior branch of the IWA, Solfed have nevertheless been agreed as the hosts for the next IWA-AIT meeting in 2006, and could be affected by a new resolution to help smaller groups. Richard explained: "It will be good for Britain to have the congress. All of us who went came away feeling positive. "We haven't asked for any help yet, but the IWA tries to support its smaller sections."

On the down side, the US contingent was absent, following internal problems with two distinct groups there, although both sent greetings. Questions were also raised over the status of Germany's group, the FAU, on which Richard commented: "The FAU is perceived by some sections as proceeding through its own path and not in concert with the IWA, in particular for associating with CNT-Vignoles, a reformist group in France, who split with the IWA group there".

However, he had many more optimistic comments about the progress that has been made: "Despite the fact that the IWA doesn't have a US group, many more links have been made over the last decade. This time there was the acceptance of a new Serbian ASI group; Israel's ASI have also been accepted as friends. This adds to another 3 new groups added at the last congress, and a further 7 groups at the previous one".

"In Latin America, the IWA is being consolidated with existing sections and is going from strength to strength. It's a stronger position than it has been for many years." It was decided to make an international magazine and supporting web-zinc. IWA are having a co-ordinated series of actions against temp agencies and work casualisation from April 14 to May 1 (see mYaclit_org for details). Greetings also came from other groups in Germany, Holland, Pakistan and Chile. Norway was re-elected as the secretariat until 2006.

Present at the congress were: SolFed, CNT (France), AIT-Portugal, CUT (Spain), NSF(Norway), FAU (Germany), Direct (Switzerland) USI (Italia), Priama Akcia (Slovakia), FAG (Chech Rep.), KRAS (Russia), FORA (Argentina), COB (Brazil) and Amigos de la AIT (Colombia). Various observers from Serbia, Greece, Croatia, Slovenia, and the Spanish CNT were also present.

At the same time as the Congress took place in Granada, the CNT was also protesting across Spain, defending workers' rights - for example, see the shipyards disputes article in this issue's globalfocus

international news

Slovakia

In November, Neusiedler, an Austrian company owned by Mondi Paper, sacked 5 workers with just an hour's notice at its factory at Ruzomberok in Slovakia. The reason – campaigning for a wage rise; breaking away from the existing KOZ trade union; and organising a new union, ZOO Papier, with 90% support among the workforce. Other workers who joined the new union have also been dismissed, or have been given dismissal notices.

Solidarity Federation, together with workers in other countries, have mounted protest actions at Neusiedler and Mondi Paper plants. Such actions in support of Neusiedler workers will continue until the following demands are met:

• Readmission of sacked workers;
• Withdrawal of dismissal notices;
• No more lay-offs of union members;
• Recognition of the new union, ZOO Papier;
• No victimisation for workplace and union activity;
• No harassment of union members and their families.

Priama Akcia, the Slovakian section of the International Workers Association, point out that this struggle is the first in Slovakia to throw off the grip of the old bureaucratic unions in an attempt to form new, more open ones. For example, the new union's officials are paid an average wage; they are recallable at any time, which is not possible in any other union; and decisions are made through mass meetings which is rare, if not impossible, in other unions. ZOO Papier are open to direct action methods; to new views on how workers organisation; and to experiences from all over the world, including those of anarcho-syndicalists. E-mail solidarity messages to: noveodbory@postsk or sahva@zoznam.sk.

• E-mail your protests to: miloslay.curilla@neusiedler.com, or hovorca@neusiedler.com.
• In Britain, Neusiedler can be found at Horatio House, 77 Fulham Palace Road, Hammersmith, London, W6 8JC - tel: 020 8237 6050; fax: 020 8741 3790; email: infolineuk@neusiedler.com.
• Mondi Paper also owns many plants in various parts of the UK – contact manchestersf@manchestersf.org.uk for further details.

international news

Russia - pensioners fight back

In January, Russia shook with protests unseen since the "rail wars" of 1998, when embittered miners blocked railway connections around the country. The battleground this time has been planned liberal reforms which will remove the rights of many disadvantaged and poor people to free transport, medical treatment, and so on.

During 1998-2003 the liberal right was held in check by the aforementioned rail wars and the presence of some sort of communist opposition in the parliament (Duma). Since December 2003, when the current right wing KGB clique seized all power, liberal reforms are very much back in full swing, from ending free transport and medical treatment to partial privatization of elementary education, to clampdowns on freedom.

The new laws passed last summer basically mean that rights to public services will be replaced by a means testing system of payments and, due to the annihilation of independent TV in Russia and the fact the laws were rushed through, it is only recently that it has become clear what this really means. For example, in Leningrad, those who used to enjoy free benefits (telephone, transport, health, etc.) get a lump-sum compensation of 230 rubles (about £4) a month. A single local train fare from Gatchina to St Petersburg costs 42 rubles (about £1). In Voronezh, the city government decided to compensate revoking benefits with a payment of just 100 rubles (about £2).

So, January saw widespread, more or less spontaneous collective protests (see box for examples), plus countless individual protests, such as non-payment, and arguments with conductors. In some cities, the municipality started dispatching only male conductors, since they considered female ones too vulnerable to assaults from pensioners and the disabled. In Kaliningrad, the city government hastily returned free travel to police after a bunch of cops mishandled a conductor, and in many other areas concessions were quickly made in the face of the protests. Indeed, pensioners were returned benefits in Tyumen, Yekaterinburg, Primorsk, Almetevsk, Chelyabinsk, Chukotka and St Petersburg.

The anarchists have been participating in the protests and are demanding not just a return to the status quo, but new guarantees for pensioners in areas where they haven't had the free benefits before. In some cities, the rallies were broken up by force, but mostly the authorities seemed scared and held back. Pensioners are not only respected culturally but are also an important voting constituency.

It is no surprise that in some cities, anarchists and their friends organizing and participating in the protests have been targeted with a fierce repression.

To help/stay updated; russia.indymedia.org www.avtonom.org

• 11th of January - in Dzerzhinsk of Nizhni Novgorod region, 400 veterans and disabled demonstrate illegally against cancellation of free benefits
• 12th of January - 1,000 pensioners and disabled in Penza
• 13th of January - 2,000 pensioners in Stariy Oskol
• 13th of January - 300 in Krasnogorsk (Moscow suburb)
• 14th of January - 400 in Kaluga
• 14th of January - 400 in St Petersburg
• 14th of January - 1,500 in Penza
• 14th of January - 200 in Cherepovets
• 14th of January - 200 in Rybinsk
• 15th of January - 1,000 in Himki (Moscow suburb)
• 15th of January - 300 in Kazan
• 15th of January - At least 8,000 in St. Petersburg
• 18th of January - 1,000 in Perm
• 18th of January - 5,000 in Tomsk.

Around 1000 persons gathered at 12am at Smolna in an illegal, spontaneous meeting. After 2 hours, without any previous agreement with city authorities, they moved to Suvorovsky prospect, blocking, the traffic. Then;on to Nevsky Prospect, where traffic was blocked as well. Some of the crowd's slogans concentrated on the benefits issue - most`had a general, political character: "Down with Putinl", "Down with the government!", "Down with the regime of plundenngl", "Revolutionl" etc. By the time the demonstrators arrived at Sadovaya street they had swelled to over 5,000, so many were joining in spontaneously. There, the crowd joined with another from Gostiniy dvor, which itself now numbered over 2,000, making 7,000 people blocking all movement in Nevskiy prospect and Sadovaya street. Meanwhile, another 1,000 people had gathered in Victory park, blocking movement in the Moscow prospect. One angry driver drove over three protesters, one of whom died.

Later in the day, two activists were kidnapped by plain-clothes police in Samara and taken in. One, Lashmakin, was brutally beaten up, his mouth was shut with tape and he was targeted with traditional "Dyba" torture, where he was hanged between two chairs and beaten. Then, both were placed in a cell, where everyone arrested during the day was placed until court next day. Cops shouted "you all will suffer because of him (Lashmakin)", and sprayed teargas all around. Eventually, the case against Lashmakin collapsed in court.

international news

Argentina

During the 2001 economic crisis (see previous DAs), 20,000 Argentineans slid below the poverty line every day, as the economy went into meltdown and $130 billion left the country for Western banks. Five presidents were ousted in two weeks. The response of the Argentine workers was to take back factories shut down by owners with burned fingers, and run them themselves.

Many occupied factories have become successful in a country where the US-driven neoliberalist project has dramatically crashed and burned, as elsewhere in South America. For example, workers at the Zanon plant took over after the owner closed it down claiming it wasn't making enough profit. After the occupation, the cooperative has taken on 50% more workers and production levels have increased threefold.

During the crisis, `Que se vayan todos!' (Out with them all!) became the common call of protesters. The Piquetero (flying picket) movement of thousands of unemployed workers who use direct action have fought pitched battles with the authorities. In Argentina's second biggest city, Cordoba, civil servants set fire to the city hall.

However, it didn't take long before things started to return to the 'normality' of capitalist carnage. Now, the banks are seeing a return to profit, and there are mass arrests and protesters being shot dead on the streets. That's practically back to normal then.

With a right-wing government back in, the gloves are off and the government is clamping down on anti-capitalist demonstrations and organisation, and closing worker controlled factories. Once again, government policy is all about foreign debt payments, privatisations and corporate-friendly laws.

Still, there are over 15,000 workers occupying 200 workplaces. Occupied businesses are usually run on a one worker, one vote basis and many factories pay all their workers the same salary. The Zanon workers' co-operative is one of those occupied businesses. Called FaSinPat, short for Tabricas Sin Patrones', (Factories Without Bosses), it has occupied a ceramics factory since October 2001.

There are many reasons why the local community is so supportive of the co-op. For the past twenty years the poverty stricken community of Nueva Espaqa has been asking the government, without success, to build them a health clinic. Taking on the challenge, Zanon workers voted to build a community health centre and finished the job in just three months.

To kill this worrying trend of self-help, judges and politicians have been planning offensive actions against the movement. In an attempt to split the co-operative the government has offered 250 jobs to 400 workers in a new factory making prefabricated buildings. If they refuse they face violent eviction. Zanon's ex-executives have even organised groups of several dozen "barrabravas" (paid hooligans) from the football club Cipolletti to hassle Zanon workers. Various attempts have been made to evict the factory and things are looking rather tenuous for the workers.

The police have a track record. Last August, over 100 workers of the occupied factory Gatic (which makes Adidas clothes), were evicted with tear gas, clubs and rubber bullets. In the face of such barbarism, the workers are defending themselves. Dozens of Buenos Aires telephone workers occupied the two main telephone exchanges in the city and cut all international calls in December. After a worker-organised occupation lasting almost 9 days, the telephone workers union FOETR announced that they had won a 20% wage increase from the employers Telecom and Teletbnica de Argentina. Although they were demanding a 50% salary increase, this settlement is a major gain for them.

Union website: www.foetrabsas.org

Sign the petition: www.petitiononline.com/zanon/petition.html. Check out 'The Take', a film about the occupied factory co-operatives: www.nfb.ca/thetake/. Two more films: Obreras sin Patron (Workers Without A Boss) and Cualro Estaciones (Four Seasons), focus specifically on the Brukman garment factory in Buenos Aires. Both are available for viewing and/or download from workerswithoutbosses.net

international news

Poland

The Praga group of the Anarchist Federation in Warsaw, Poland, has been organising in recent months against government plans to 'liberalise' rents charged by private landlords. The following is adapted from a leaflet they have been circulating.

Most working people in Poland have just about enough to pay their bills —many don't even have that. Rent liberalisation will mean that basic housing will be unaffordable for many. The result will be more poverty, overcrowding and homelessness.

Landlords claim they need more money to repair buildings but there is no proposal to ensure that increased rent income will actually be spent on repairs. In fact, where rents have risen, there is little or no evidence of repair work. What is more, in some housing estates, repair funds have been stolen or misused.

The government is clearing the pitch to allow its rich friends to benefit from the growth of land and property speculation at the expense of the vast majority who cannot afford to own anything. If this is coupled with cuts in the provision of social housing, the already obscene gap between rich and poor will widen further.

Instead of this sham, Praga Anarchist Federation put forward direct action including public involvement in the running of public housing. Among their demands are that buildings and their operating budget, including all income and costs, be under the direct control of tenants and available for examination by all.

international news

Indonesia

A worker, Partaki, was dismissed from the FILA-run PT Tae Hwa factory back in 1999. The Clean Clothes Campaign is fighting for justice and for the company to address ongoing labour rights violations in the factory, including inadequate wages, compulsory overtime, impossibly high work targets, denial of trade union rights, sexual harassment and verbal abuse.

More info. on how to send solidarity, etc. from the Clean Clothes Campaign and www.nosweat.org.uk

international news

Venezuela: Chavez isn't the answer to your question

The August 2004 elections legitimized Hugo Chavez's presidency, approved by the multinational powers-that-be, despite the opposition's claims of electoral fraud. However, the Venezuelan anarchists' perspective is not exactly embracing of the Chavez Presidency.

The Comision de Relaciones Anarquistas' (CRA's) reaction was: "From the viewpoint of the leaders of the two opposing camps (the officialist, under Hugo Chavez, and the so-called Coordinadora Democratica), people's participation and bottom-up democracy are mere slogans without any basis in reality. These leaders prove once and again that, in order to remain in charge and accumulate more power, they are willing to do any kind of behind-closed-doors deal, as well as performing any political juggling necessary to channel the citizens' anger towards their own benefit. Autonomy means everybody being capable of self-determination, able to establish their own dynamics and pursuing their own concrete goals. The self-proclaimed leaders know perfectly well that their living depends upon turning their own affairs into general interest issues. They present themselves before their constituencies as guarantors of their aspirations, which will be realised in a hypothetical future if, and only if, they are appointed as the bosses. But they never deliver, no matter their colours. For these politicians, the only thing that really matters is to perpetuate their own positions of power.

The current levels of poverty, unemployment, street violence and general ills are not going away without deep structural change. Anything less is mere crumbs falling from the table of those who talk about "revolution" while pocketing millions. There is one alternative: to part company completely with the pseudo-leaderships old and new, and for the excluded and oppressed of any colour to build our own paths. This means creating new organisations, horizontal and non-hierarchical spaces, where nobody speaks in the name of anyone else. These then become the foundations for building a new kind of life as well as resisting oppression in the old one. As free-thinking individuals, we go against the tide of the established ideas and practices born out of false consensus and blackmail, deepening our experiences through socialization and self-teaching. These spaces shall recover our best traditions of citizenship, participation and solidarity, and build a really alternative culture, one which takes into account every side of each human being.

Let's turn a deaf ear to the sirens' wails; their power is built upon lies. When they talk about "civil society against dictatorship", they are planning to occupy future ministries and governorships. When they decry against "imperialism" and "oligarchy", they are giving away the country's wealth to the multinationals in the privacy of five star hotels. When they propose to create "emergency programs against poverty", it is because they will not change the social structure that creates it, since it brings huge profits to them. They only call to "participation" when they need our votes. When they call to "unity" and "reconciliation" it is because they want to shut us up and reduce us to passivity.

No politician does your work; let no one make your decisions. From the diversity of common practices shall be born the community of multiple, limitless forms of association with which we shall fight every form of domination. Weaving a dense social fabric is incompatible with warlords, politicos, militarists and demagogues of all colours. Shedding every kind of dependency, we exercise our potential for autonomy. Anything less than that would mean we remain forever under the thumbs of those who profit from our miseries.

From: El Libertario collective. In November, the CRA published issue # 40 of El Libertario, celebrating the 9th anniversary of the CRA and the newspaper. At the same time, the Centro de Estudios Sociales Libertarios (CESL) has opened in Caracas, a library and space for libertarian action and thought. Continued support and solidarity is appreciated. For more information, see the regularly updated El Libertario website www.nodo50.org/ellibertario which includes a large section in English.

globalfocus: Spain

Struggles in the Spanish Shipyards

2004 was a busy year for shipyard workers in Spain. In the run-up to the elections in March 2004 (and the train bomb attacks in Madrid), shipyards across Spain were in open revolt against wage levels and lay-offs in the State-run IZAR shipyards. Battles raged across the country, particularly on the streets of Cadiz (in the South) and Bilbao (in the North). After a brief respite during the spring, the situation deteriorated and the workers again took to the streets, ensuring that the end of the year was as busy as the beginning.

Shipyards are still major employers in Spain. In addition to the 11,000 workers directly employed by IZAR, there are 60,000 in the auxiliary sector (often subcontractors) and 36,000 in adjacent industries. Workers' organisations vary, the most effective being the Anarcho-Syndicalist union CNT (Spanish sister organisation to the Solidarity Federation in Britain), which combines aggressive anti-boss action with a popular following, especially in the auxiliary companies of the shipyards of Seville and Puerto Real.

When the New Labourish Spanish "Socialist Workers" Party won the election, the main shipyard unions immediately made a pact with the new Government to cancel the whole campaign of industrial action. Officially this was to give the Government "a chance" to save the shipyards. In fact it looked like the yards had given in to the new Government and were practically finished. Not surprisingly, the CNT and the workers were disgusted with this dramatic and total union sell-out.

As the summer progressed, the Government set up a Commission to look at the future of the shipyards, a move that was interpreted as trying to find a new way to cut back the industry. In July, it was revealed that the previous PP Government (People's Party = Tories) had known that the European Union was demanding the return of €300 million of illegal subsidies given to IZAR, but had not bothered to mention this to the PSOE – so now the yards were in even more financial trouble.

Everything came to a head on 8th September, when SEPI (the organisation which runs the shipyards for the State) announced that it was going to split the shipyards in two and privatise half of them. The State would convert half of the yards into profitable military ship production (and keep control of them) and the other half would become a commercial ship-builders and be sold off.

The following day, the shipyard workers hit the streets across Spain and the mainstream unions called four days of official strike action. For the rest of that week the workers of San Fernando (Cadiz), whose yard is threatened with closure, battled with the police and erected burning barricades across motorways and railway lines. The first official strike day featured demonstrations at all 10 Spanish yards, with street battles and barricades outside the Cadiz yards of San Fernando and Puerto Real.

The next day, wildcat action by the workers of San Fernando took the police by surprise, erecting burning barricades to block major roads, overturning a car on the motorway and setting it alight. The following day, the workers of the Sestao yards in Bilbao set fire to a number of barricades and blocked roads and railway lines. The fighting was widespread and fierce, with one worker losing an eye when the particularly nasty Basque "Ertzaintza" riot police attacked the workers with CS gas and rubber balls (like bullets but round).

Workers in Puerto Real also took to the streets, using catapaults to defend themselves against the police, who blocked the way into Cadiz with armoured cars and a tank. Meanwhile, in San Fernando, workers decided to take a day off as they had fought with the police and blocked roads for the past six days!

The next day, a large group of shipyard workers in Seville tried to block the huge Centennial V Bridge, but were forced back towards the yards by a ferocious riot police attack that left at least 23 injured. They blocked another main road instead, with lampposts and furniture taken from a lorry. Subsequent strike days on 216', 28th and 30th September were marked by large relatively peaceful demonstrations, with a few exceptions at individual yards. In Gijon, roads and railways were blocked every few days with burning tyres, and in Sestao, workers built barricades from burning cars. Then, workers from the San Fernando yards blocked the main railway line for a couple of days running, and ripped up 100 metres of track in the process!

By the end of September, there were demonstrations at every shipyard in Spain, with the local communities showing widespread support for the strikers, joining them in large numbers on their demonstrations. In the past, regional politicians and unions have tried to play the yards off against each other, and it was feared that some of the smaller yards would be left to fend for themselves. In this light, the fact that there was broad unity of action across Spain has been a welcome indication that the workers won't fall for that bullshit. However, their resolve was tested by the politicians when Sestao workers discovered that a ship which had been scheduled for construction at their yard was being switched to Puerto Real. Workers' anger over this decision provoked one of most violent days in the City.

In Ferrol, a peaceful demonstration of 3,000 workers turned violent when the strikers began to block roads leading into the port. Later in the day, sentries at one of Ferrol's military installations threatened demonstrators with an assault rifle after fireworks were allegedly thrown. Meanwhile, the workers of Manises blocked the runway at Valencia airport, in response to fears that the local Government want to sell off their yard to property developers because of the high value of the land.

In October, there was a widespread general strike in San Fernando and Puerto Real in support of the shipyards; the first strike of its kind since 1991. As the month progressed, large demonstrations brought shipyard workers from across Andalucia onto the streets of Seville. Here, they joined forces with workers from the Altadis factories and the Magical Island theme park of Seville (who are also threatened with closure), and workers from FASA-Renault and EADS-CASA. In an attempt to prevent a repeat of this show of strength and unity, the police subsequently tried to stop the shipyard workers from marching into the city, resulting in what was described as a "pitched battle". In the face of the police onslaught, the workers were forced to defend themselves. As a result, home-made rockets were fired, cars were burned as barricades, and defended with petrol bombs.

In San Fernando, another fierce battle around the shipyard itself saw a 38-year-old man lose an eye after being shot by the police some 60 metres inside the factory. An ambulance taking him to hospital was blocked by a tank that was deliberately parked across the gates of the yard.

In Puerto Real, the workers again fought the tanks and armoured cars of police, who were intent on stopping them from entering Cadiz. The strikers later displayed missiles that the police had been firing at them.

The concerted and violent action of the shipyard workers has shaken the new President Zapatero, with some commentators referring to them as "urban guerillas". On the union front, the pressure is increasing and splits are appearing between the mainstream unions. The two largest unions (CC.00 and CGT) eventually came out in support of privatisation, much to the dismay of all the other unions. Sadly, it was not surprising to the CNT militants who have had to put up with such about-turns from these opportunist organisations for many years.

Despite such drawbacks, workers militancy and resolve is strong, and it is this which has forced the Government to come up with a proposal which apparently promises no closures and no job losses. It remains to be seen if this is all it first appears and what protection there will be for the workers of the Auxiliary Industry.

organising: early unions in Britain

Luddites & Lackeys

The period 1750-1830 saw the rapid rise of the market economy in Britain. As capitalism tightened its grip on the emerging working class, the first signs of real resistance against this new form of economic oppression also began to develop. During the early part of the 19th Century, working class people started organising and trying out methods of resistance. Of these, one of the most significant was the idea of the Grand National Holiday - the forerunner of the General Strike. Although a coherent set of ideas and tactics was not yet developed, some important lessons were already being learned which would later contribute to the advent of early anarcho-syndicalism.

Many historical accounts of this period are somewhat patchy in their record of working class history. Notably, they tend to underplay or even dismiss the reality that workers could organise themselves and take direct action in the pursuit of revolutionary aims. This tendency is partly because of a wider inclination to portray revolutionary aspirations as somehow "un-English" and not part of the English working class character.

The myth of 'Englishness' is deeply pervasive, and the fact that the history of the working class does not conform to such caricatures is often explained away by the liberal use of the words "mob" and "riot" in the average history book covering the period. These terms tend to imply that, typically driven by poverty; the normally docile working class occasionally lost control and committed isolated and random acts of violence before falling back into their placid acceptance of capitalism.

Historians may have good reasons to underplay a highly organised working-class response to capitalism. Liberal and right wing historians deliberately talk down coordinated action, or may not make the (rather obvious) connections through the course of their research. The motives for this are probably already clear - talk of revolution and organised direct action tend to encourage people to review not only their history, but also their present social position. Marxist historians, on the other hand, wish to demonstrate that workers could not reach "political consciousness" without the revolutionary perspective of the Marxist intelligentsia, which was absent at this time. Labour historians prefer to stress the social democratic tendencies of workers by attempting to distance trade unions from violent direct action and revolutionary goals.

This problem is further compounded by the fact that the working class perspective of working class history is often missing since, during this period, the actions taken were often illegal and punishable by death or transportation. Operating in such circumstances, it is not surprising that working class organisation remained largely clandestine, with very few records kept to indicate how the organisations operated and what their aims were. However, there is strong circumstantial evidence that many of the actions of the period were in fact highly planned within working class communities, with detailed aims.

The growth of workplace unions can be interpreted as being an integral part of this wider struggle against capitalism. The goals of these integrated working class organisations were as sophisticated as the organisations themselves. Most significantly, the struggle for immediate improvements to made the swearing of unlawful oaths illegal. This piece of legislation was of great significance, for the swearing of oaths was the basis by which the working class organised successfully, and ensured both secrecy and solidarity. Not only did the ancient guilds (and later the unions) organise around oath-taking, so did all manner of working class organisations, from political clubs to insurrectionist movements. By banning oaths, the Government hoped to end the methods by which clandestine working class organisations had been operating for hundreds of years. The importance the Government placed on undermining working class organisation by attacking the oaths system can be seen from the severity of the sentence for conviction under the new Act -up to 7 years transportation. By contrast, the anti-union combination legislation carried a maximum sentence of three months imprisonment. It was under the swearing of oaths Act that the Tolpuddle Martyrs were found guilty and transported in 1834.

As the 18th Century drew to a close, Government fears that working class unrest may begin to take a revolutionary direction appeared ever more justified. In December 1800, magistrates in Sheffield issued a proclamation against `numerously attended' meetings that were being held in fields at night. By March 1801, this had spread to Leeds and Huddersfield, where magistrates reported to the Government that they feared `an insurrection was in contemplation by the lower orders.' In Lancashire, magistrates reported that in Ashton-under-Lyne a delegate meeting had taken place with `agents' present from Yorkshire, Birmingham, Bristol and London. To join the United Britons - an organisation based in Lancashire. All were required to answer yes to the following questions:

The fact that it presented such a threat at its height may indicate why the Government sought to spread false rumour as to the Luddites' reasons for their actions and their intent.

• Do you desire a total change of the system?
• Are you willing to risk yourself in a contest to leave posterity free?
• Are you willing to do all in your power to create the spirit of love and brotherhood and affection among the friends of freedom?

With the temporary measures under the 1795 Seditious Meetings Act expiring, it became lawful once again to call public meetings, and these began to be called in a highly co-ordinated fashion. An alanned Government quickly re-enacted the Seditious Meetings Act and habeas corpus was suspended for a further year.

As well as these shadowy insurrectionist organisations, the early 1800s saw the growth of a national organisation campaigning for a minimum wage. This aimed to use constitutional methods to achieve its ends, although the campaign itself was illegal, being organised on the basis of secret committees. It was well represented in the industrial heartland, with some twenty secret committees of weavers existing in the industrial towns of Lancashire alone. The common geographic spread, class situation and clandestine organising methods strongly indicate that these committees had connections with the more insurrectionist groups, although this is often denied in the history books. Agitation for a minimum wage reached boiling point in 1807, with petitions, strikes and demonstrations. Despite a heavy Government response and the arrest of many involved, a similar burst of protest occurred in 1811, when a petition in support of a minimum wage was handed in to Parliament, however the signatures were wasted on the Government.

The failure of the minimum wage movement to gain refonn through constitutional methods drove many working-class people to direct action. On the failure of the petition, the Lancashire organising committees apparently abandoned constitutional reform and, acting in a single mass block, they turned to Luddism.

The popular contemporary portrayal is that it was an uncouth backward looking movement; so much so that it is common even now to refer disparagingly to someone who is suspicious of new technology as a `Luddite'. Popular historical interpretation has constructed the Luddites as simple minded labourers reacting to the new system by smashing the machines which they thought responsible for their troubles. A slightly more sophisticated analysis is that Luddism was a form of collective bargaining based on sabotage. However, none of these representations are accurate.

Luddism originated in Nottingham around 1810 and it quickly spread. The movement was well organised with members swearing an oath and paying regular subscriptions. Regular secret meetings were held, mainly on the moors at night, from which organising committees and delegates to attend regional meetings were elected. By 1812, the Luddites were confident and numerous enough to begin attacking well defended mills. Pitched battles were fought with soldiers, with many being killed or wounded on both sides.

The fact that it presented such a threat at its height may indicate why the Government sought to spread false rumour as to the Luddites' reasons for their actions and their intent. As its strength grew, Luddism increasingly took an insurrectionist nature with activities including the collection of arms and raising of funds. A secret House of Commons committee noted this with alarm. Luddism's appeal also began to spread beyond weavers, and workers from various industries began taking part in armed raids. Luddism, especially in Lancashire and Yorkshire, became increasingly inspired by the notion of overthrowing the Government.

The fear amongst Britain's ruling class increased and the Government quickly responded by making the crime of frame breaking a capital offence. Armies of Government spies were dispatched in an attempt to infiltrate working class communities. By the end of 1812, more than 12,000 troops were stationed in the most affected areas of northern England, a larger force than Wellington had under his command in Spain. Despite this army of occupation, the Luddites were able to continue to operate. This was only possible because of the protection they received from the wider working class community. The authorities offered very generous rewards to desperately poor workers for information, but in the main, they still failed to get workers to inform. When authorities were able to bring cases to court, trials were often moved to other areas of the country; both to ensure conviction and prevent unrest. Despite the efforts of the ruling class, the funerals of those executed for being involved in Luddism were turned into mass political rallies by the working class.

By 1814, the economic and military power of the ruling class meant the odds began to be stacked against Luddism, and it declined in the face of massive Government oppression. However, as Luddism passed, the revolutionary atmosphere that it generated led to other forms of resistance. Working class clubs such as the Hampden Clubs sprang up, and there was an upsurge in the number of radical papers and periodicals being produced and distributed. The explosion of radicalism that swept across the country maintained momentum up to the 1840s.

Luddism developed and contributed important experience to working class organisations and tactics. It was a movement of the working class that united workers. It also employed methods of direct action in the struggle against capitalism. Luddism not only sought to make immediate economic gains, but also increasingly linked this struggle with the need for widespread social and economic change. Though the aim of the Luddite radicalism remained parliamentary reform, many of those involved equated parliamentary reform directly with revolutionary change. Luddism linked the short-term aims of reform with longer-term aims of revolutionary change. In short, the Luddites developed and practised some of the basic principles on which anarcho-syndicalism was later to be built.

Even the movement for reform was split into those who advocated change through peaceful constitutional methods and those who argued for insurrection as a way of bringing about change. While attention has been paid to the emerging politics of the fonner, the latter has been largely forgotten or rejected in popular history. Much is known and written about the Peterloo Massacre of 1819, in which soldiers butchered peaceful demonstrators. However, the attempted uprisings in Derby and Huddersfield at the same time have been given little attention. With hindsight, and a modern perspective, the aims of the insurrectionists may seem confused. Indeed, the Derby and Huddersfield episodes were tragedies bordering on farce. However, it is clear that these events were a reflection of the genuine desire of many working class people for revolutionary change.

Amidst unprecedented Government repression, the unions attempted to organise in new ways. A combination of growing working class identity and solidarity in the face of government repression and the growing factory system, contributed to changes in the approach to workers' organisations. Up to this point, unions had been based on individual trades, often promoting the sectional interest of skilled workers (as in the guilds). Now, the idea of general unions began to evolve, within which all workers would be organised.

In 1817, even though unions were banned, an attempt to form a general union of workers was made in Lancashire. This was known as the 'Philanthropic Society' and it soon spread as far as London. Though it was short-lived, the idea of a general union did not die away. With the repeal of the combination laws in 1824, union organisation began to grow. Within a few years, another attempt at building a national general union was made.

Following a failed strike by cotton spinners in Lancashire, the Grand General Union of the Operative Spinners of Great Britain and Ireland was formed. After a conference in Manchester in 1829, it was decided to turn the union into a general union called the National Association for the Protection of Labour. In a short time it had gained 10,000 members covering twenty trades. However, the union was short-lived, and it collapsed in 1832 after a defeated strike. In 1831, the London based Metropolitan Trade Union was organised, which federated a number of trades. This organisation, though again short-lived, is relevant because of its strong involvement with the National Union of the Working Class. This organisation went on to form the London Working Men's Association, and then onto the idea of a National Charter.

In 1831, The Operatives Builders Union was formed. This was a national organisation of builders unions who subscribed to the idea of co-operative production, and it went on to fonn the more general Grand National Guild. From this, in 1834, the Grand National Consolidated Trade Union was formed. The Grand National grew rapi